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the sexual murderer ofender behaivor and implications for practice


Brilliant book on the subject, contains up-to-date information on the backgrounds
of sexual killers, criminal careers, motivation, victim choice and modus operandi.
Hence, this book is essential for anyone in the criminal justice, academics, and
students, and is an essential addition to those involved in this area’s bookshelf.
Anthony Beech, Professor in Criminological Psychology, University of
Birmingham, UK
The Sexual Murderer is a very timely book and contains up-to-date scientific
evidence, which will be an essential reading for those in the sex offender and
homicide fields. Professor Beauregard and Ms. Martineau have done a masterful
job in explaining each feature of sexual homicide offending in a thoughtful, compelling, and comprehensive manner. This book is a brilliant work that makes the
research both accessible and practical, especially for law enforcement who
directly (and indirectly) deal with sexual homicide offenders.
Heng Choon (Oliver) Chan, Assistant Professor of Criminology, City University
of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, S.A.R.
Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau have written an accessible yet scientifically rigorous book on sexual murders and murderers. They go beyond sensationalism and “common sense” explanations to clearly describe the developmental,
psychological, and situational factors that underlie the processes that culminate in
sexual murder. This book is necessary reading for students, researchers, and practitioners who want an excellent overview of the state of current knowledge on
sexual murder.
Jean Proulx, Professor, School of Criminology, University of Montreal, Canada,
and author of Sexual Murderers: A Comparative Analysis and New Perspectives



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The Sexual Murderer

Sexual homicide continues to be one of the most widely reported and sensationalized forms of murder, attracting fascination from the public and scholars alike.
Despite this continued interest, few empirical studies have been conducted on
this particular form of sexual crime. The Sexual Murderer provides an analytical
review of the state of knowledge on the sexual murderer and his offense, and
presents new data that confront some of the accepted ideas and myths surrounding this type of homicide.
The authors draw on original data stemming from both offenders and the
police to present an exhaustive and accurate picture of the sexual murderer and
his offense, and compare the sex offenders who do kill with sex offenders who,
despite being very violent, do not. Each chapter includes a section on the practical implications of the findings, and what the findings mean for professionals
working with these cases and for the criminal justice system. This book explores
themes including the role of fantasies, paraphilias, and personality; criminal
career; context of the crime; journey to murder; modus operandi and crime
scene; sex trade workers; avoiding detection; body disposal pathways; and
whether we can predict sexual homicide occurrence.
This book is a comprehensive resource for academics and professionals
involved in sexual homicide cases, such as psychologists, psychiatrists, investigators, and profilers, as well as individuals working in the field of sexual violence. This book will also be of interest to students taking courses on homicide,
sexual homicide, and serial homicide.
Eric Beauregard is Professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser
University in British Columbia, Canada, and a member of the Institute for Canadian Urban Research Studies (ICURS) at Simon Fraser University.
Melissa Martineau is Manager of Behavioural Sciences Research and Development working for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in Ottawa, Ontario,
Canada.


Routledge Studies in Criminal Behaviour

1 Criminal Behaviour from School to the Workplace
Untangling the complex relations between employment, education and crime
Edited by Frank Weerman and Catrien Bijleveld
2 Pathways to Sexual Aggression
Edited by Jean Proulx, Eric Beauregard, Patrick Lussier, and
Benoit Leclerc
3 The Psychology of Crime, Policing and Courts
Edited by Andreas Kapardis and David P. Farrington

4 The Sexual Murderer
Offender behavior and implications for practice
Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau
5 Psychological Violence in the Workplace
New perspectives and shifting frameworks
Emily Schindeler, Janet Ransley and Danielle Reynald


The Sexual Murderer

Offender behavior and implications for
practice

Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau


First published 2017
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2017 Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau
The right of Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau to be identified as
authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Beauregard, Eric, author. | Martineau, Melissa, author.
Title: The sexual murderer : offender behaviour and implications for
practice / Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series:
Routledge studies in criminal behaviour ; 4 | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016013725| ISBN 9781138925410 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315683768 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Sex offenders–Psychology. | Murderers–Psychology. |
Criminal behavior. | Criminal behavior, Prediction of. | Criminal
psychology.
Classification: LCC HV6556 .B43 2016 | DDC 364.152/3019–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016013725
ISBN: 978-1-138-92541-0 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-68376-8 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear


EB:
À mes trois amours, Melanie, Romy, et Danaé . . .
Hoping that my work will contribute to make this world a
safer place for you.
MM:
To Wayne, Susan, and my colleagues in behavioral sciences . . .
Thank you for being a continual source of support and for
your dedication to protecting others.


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Contents








List of figures
List of tables
About the authors
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgements



Introduction: why study sexual murderers?

1

Can we identify sexual murderers early in life?
Case study  11
Introduction  13
Findings  23
Implications  31

11

2

Fantasy, paraphilia, and personality: excitation or inhibition?
Case study  35
Introduction  37
Findings  45
Implications  52

35

3

Criminal career of the sexual murderer: versatility or
specialization?
Case study  56
Introduction  57
Findings  63
Implications  71

4

Is there a specific context leading to sexual homicide?
Case study  77

xi
xiii
xvi
xvii
xix
xxiv
1

56

77


x   Contents
Introduction  77
Findings  88
Implications  94
5

How far do sexual murderers travel to commit their crime?
Case study  101
Introduction  103
Findings  111
Implications  117

6

Modus operandi and crime scene characteristics: typical or
unusual acts?
Case study  121
Introduction  122
Findings  133
Implications  143

7

Sex trade workers: choice of victim or victim of choice?
Case study  150
Introduction  151
Findings  156
Implications  169

150

8

Can sexual murderers avoid police detection?
Case study  173
Introduction  174
Findings  188
Implications  199

173

9

Can body disposal pathways help the investigation of sexual
homicide?

101

121

206

A shley  H e w itt , E ric  B eaure g ard , and
M elissa  M artineau

Case study  206
Introduction  207
Findings  212
Implications  234


Conclusion: can we predict sexual homicide?
Is the SHO a unique type of sex offender?  238
Predicting the SHO?  240

238



Index

244


Figures

2.1
6.1
6.2
7.1
8.1
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8

9.9

Cognitive-­behavioral cycle of fantasy, paraphilia, and offending
Four dimensions of sexual homicide
Two scripts of sexual homicide
Percentage of marginalized victims targeted by offender types
Mean use of forensic awareness strategies
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of geography
on whether or not the offender transported the victim during
the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of geography
on whether or not the offender transported-concealed or
transported-dumped the victim during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of geography
on whether or not the offender left-­concealed the victim or
left him/her as is during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of victim type
on whether or not the offender transported the victim during
the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of victim type
on whether or not the offender transported-­concealed or
transported-­dumped the victim during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of victim type
on whether or not the offender left-­concealed the victim or
left him/her as is during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of means of
accessing victims on whether or not the offender transported
the victim during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of means
of accessing victims on whether the offender
transported-­concealed or transported-­dumped the victim
during the crime
Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effect of means of
accessing victims on whether the offender left and then
concealed the victim or left him/her as is during the crime

49
137
138
156
191
213
213
214
215
216
217
218

218
218


xii   Figures
9.10 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of weapon use
and manner of death on whether or not the offender
transported the victim during the crime
9.11 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of weapon
use and manner of death on whether the offender
transported-­concealed or transported-­dumped the victim
during the crime
9.12 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of weapon use
and manner of death on whether the offender left and then
concealed the victim or left him/her as is during the crime
9.13 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of interactions
with the victim on whether or not the offender transported the
victim during the crime
9.14 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of
interactions with the victim on whether or not the offender
transported-­concealed or transported-­dumped the victim
during the crime
9.15 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of interactions
with the victim on whether or not the offender left and then
concealed the victim or left the victim as is during the crime
9.16 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of geography,
victim type, the offender’s means of accessing his victims,
weapon use or manner of death, and interactions with the
victim, on whether the victim was transported or not during
the crime
9.17 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of geography,
victim type, the offender’s means of accessing his victims,
weapon use or manner of death, and interactions with the
victim, on whether the victim was transported and then
concealed, or transported and then dumped
9.18 Exhaustive CHAID decision-­tree of the effects of geography,
victim type, the offender’s means of accessing his victims,
weapon use or manner of death, and interactions with the
victim, on whether the victim was left and then concealed, or
left as is

219

220
220
221

221
222

223

224

225


Tables

1.1 Summary of developmental factors identified in previous
studies
1.2 Family antecedents
1.3 Victimization and exposure to different types of violence and
inadequate role models prior to 18 years old
1.4 Sexual development and specific sexual behaviors prior to 18
years old
1.5 Behavioral indicators present prior to 18 years old
1.6 Education, brain, and previous contacts with professionals
1.7 Summary of distinguishing developmental factors for NHSOs,
violent NHSOs, and SHOs
2.1 Differences in fantasy and paraphilic behavior between
NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs
2.2 Differences in personality disorders/constructs between
NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs
2.3 Experience of childhood abuse as it relates to deviant sexual
fantasy and paraphilic behavior
2.4 Summary of the comparative differences among NHSOs,
violent NHSOs, and SHOs
3.1 Summary of criminal career findings identified in previous
studies
3.2 Differences between NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs on
their previous convictions for various types of crime
3.3 Differences between NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs on
their age of onset and previous convictions for various
categories of crime
3.4 Descriptive criminal career parameters for SHOs from police
sample (solved cases only)
3.5 Variables that failed to differentiate SHOs with and without
prior sexual crime convictions in two samples (prison versus
police)
3.6 Summary of distinguishing criminal career parameters for
NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs

20
23
24
25
26
26
32
46
46
47
52
64
66
67
67
69
71


xiv   Tables
4.1 Summary of findings on the contextual characteristics of
sexual homicide
4.2 Differences between NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs in
their situation prior to the crime
4.3 Differences between NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs in the
disinhibitors prior to the crime
4.4 Context characteristics for SHOs from police sample (solved
and unsolved cases)
4.5 Victims’ routine activities prior to sexual homicide from police
sample (solved and unsolved cases)
4.6 Summary of distinguishing contextual characteristics for
NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs
5.1 Spatial typologies of sex offenders according to their
geographic mobility or stability
5.2 Distances to crime for sexual homicide
5.3 Characteristics associated with traveler and non-­traveler SHOs
6.1 Summary of findings on the modus operandi characteristics of
sexual homicide
6.2 Summary of characteristics of the organized/disorganized
sexual murderer
6.3 Types of SHOs corresponding to the angry, sadistic, and
witness-­elimination types
6.4 Differences between NHSOs, violent NHSOs, and SHOs on
their modus operandi
6.5 Modus operandi characteristics for SHOs from police sample
(solved and unsolved cases)
6.6 Characteristics of two types of SHOs
7.1 Differences between non-marginalized and marginalized
victims of violent sexual crimes
7.2 Differences between sex trade workers and non-­sex trade
workers sexual homicide on forensic awareness
7.3 Differences between sex trade workers and non-­sex trade
workers sexual homicide on victimology
7.4 Differences between sex trade workers and non-­sex trade
workers sexual homicide on crime locations
7.5 Differences between sex trade workers and non-­sex trade
workers sexual homicide on modus operandi
7.6 Differences between sex trade workers and non-­sex trade
workers sexual homicide on sexual acts committed
7.7 Profiles of forensic awareness, victimology, crime locations,
and modus operandi characteristics in sex trade worker sexual
homicide
7.8 Profiles of sex trade worker sexual homicide
8.1 Factors related to a higher probability of homicide clearance,
Wellford and Cronin (1999)

84
89
90
91
91
95
106
111
113
124
129
130
133
135
139
157
158
159
159
160
161
162
164
181


Tables   xv
8.2 Characteristics of forensic awareness strategies exhibited in
sexual homicide
8.3 Latent classes of sexual murderers for solved and unsolved
cases
8.4 Summary findings of logistic regression analysis on the case
outcome and of negative binomial regression analysis on the
number of days until body recovery
8.5 Comparisons between the effects of organized behaviors on
the two measures of delaying and avoiding detection
9.1 Summary of significant findings for the body disposal
pathways characterized by transported, transported only, and
not transported only

189
194
196
198
227


About the authors

Eric Beauregard is Professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser
University in British Columbia, Canada, and a member of the Institute for
Canadian Urban Research Studies (ICURS) at Simon Fraser University. He
obtained his PhD from the University of Montreal in 2005. He has worked as
a clinical criminologist for Correctional Service of Canada where he assessed
more than 1,200 sex offenders. His work focuses on the offending process,
decision-­making, and the criminal investigation. He has served as an expert
witness in cases of sexual homicide and he has provided training to law
enforcement agencies nationally and internationally. He has published more
than 100 publications in the field of sexual violence. This is his third book
specifically on sexual homicide.
Melissa Martineau is a criminologist working for the Royal Canadian Mounted
Police (RCMP) in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. She has spent the last 14 years
working in the area of behavioral science. She obtained her Masters of Criminology Applied from the University of Ottawa in 2002. She began working
for the RCMP, Behavioural Sciences Branch, that same year. Over the past
14 years, she has received specialized training and developed expertise in the
areas of violent crime linkage, sex crime, risk and threat assessment, false
allegations, and the detection of deception. She has led or been involved in
the implementation of three national police programs in the areas of polygraph, sex offender registration, and statement analysis. She has provided
operational investigative assistance on hundreds of cases and provides
specialized training to domestic and international law enforcement. She has
published several publications and chapters in the fields of crime linkage and
sexual violence.


Foreword
Sexual homicide: an exemplar horror crime

Sexual homicide is an exemplar horror crime. The images of a random attack, a
violated victim, and a brutal murder coalesce into an archetype of terror and evil.
While statistically a rare offense, sexual murder has such a far-­reaching impact
that a single incident can frighten millions of people. On crime severity scales, it
always places in the top ranks. For these reasons, it is important to fully understand the reality of sexual murderers and their actions. To this end, Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau’s book, The Sexual Murderer: offender behavior
and implications for practice, makes a significant contribution.
In spite of – or maybe because of – such horror, the crimes, investigation, and
criminal trials of sex murderers captivate popular attention. What is it about
these acts that generates such attention? The interest in sexual murders in part
originates from the fact that, compared to other homicides, they are more likely
to be “whodunit” crimes perpetrated by strangers. Consequently, fear and risk
are more easily generalized to the larger community than, say, a gang shooting.
Such crimes also present significant investigative challenges for police. Detectives must work in a cauldron of community fear, media attention, and organizational pressure. The fact that the victim cannot bear witness to her crime means
investigators need to pay great attention to detail, evidence collection, and
information analysis. Many innovative forensic techniques were originally
developed to help solve sexual murders. For instance, the first time DNA fingerprinting was used operationally by police was in the Narborough Murder
Enquiry, a massive four-­year manhunt in England for the rapist and killer of two
teenage girls.
However, the intense pressure to solve such appalling crimes can also lead
police astray. In more than a few instances, investigators have arrested an innocent person because they rushed to judgment or suffered from tunnel vision.
Sexual murder often shows up in lists of wrongful conviction cases, including
those of David Milgaard, Guy Paul Morin, and Ron Williamson. Paradoxically,
the compelling pressure to solve a horrible crime can sometimes lead to the
wrong solution.
One way or another, a single act of sexual homicide has the capability of
reverberating for many years across large communities, even entire countries.
The controversy and debate surrounding the recent Netflix documentary, Making


xviii   Foreword
a Murderer, dramatically reveals the impact and fascination of such crimes. The
arrest and conviction of Steven Avery following the 2005 homicide of Teresa
Halbach in Wisconsin has served as a lightning rod for a cultural topical storm
that touches on dangerous sex offenders, wrongful convictions, police incompetence, prosecutorial malfeasance, prejudiced media, and bias in “true” crime
documentaries.
Public safety, criminal justice, and mental health agencies need to improve
their methods of prevention and intervention, and The Sexual Murderer provides
an important foundation for such efforts. Three particular features make this
book stand out. First, the authors base their research on two large and representative datasets, more comprehensive in content than those used for most other
works found in the literature. Second, both sexual murderers and sexual murders
are analyzed; it is important to remember that the offender and the offense are
very different phenomena and that they require distinct analyses and modes of
study. Third, the book is characterized by a unique and innovative design. Each
of the nine chapters tackles a specific question, addressing such issues as the role
of offender fantasy and paraphilias, modus operandi and crime scene characteristics, and our ability to predict sexual homicide. In turn, each chapter is systemically organized into a case study illustrating the specific focus question, a
review of the literature, new analyses of the question using the two datasets, and
proposed implications for police investigations and correctional practice. This
consistent structure helps readers integrate the various research findings by
facilitating the comparison of chapter topics across the same set of dimensions.
The Sexual Murderer explores these offenders and their crimes from a variety
of perspectives. Our efforts to understand and control social problems require
comprehensive data and multifaceted analyses. Policy makers should pay close
attention to the scientific research to develop evidence-­based legislation and
treatment responses. Through their book, Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau help move us rationally toward these goals.
D. Kim Rossmo, PhD
Research Professor
Director, Center for Geospatial Intelligence and Investigation
Department of Criminal Justice
Texas State University


Preface

I (EB) have a confession to make. I watched (maybe too many times according
to some) the movie The Silence of the Lambs (1991). And yes, it had an influence on what I do today. I feel fine disclosing this fact as I am at a point in my
career where I teach criminology to kids who were not even born when the
movie first came out! For the younger generation and those who may have not
watched it (yet!), the movie introduced and popularized an investigative tool
known as criminal or offender profiling. Although the technique had been
developed and used by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) since the late
1970s, it’s only with the movie that people became aware of offender profiling.
Considering that becoming a police officer was not an option for me (due to
vision problems), I decided to study criminology at the University of Montreal.
Although I began my undergraduate degree in criminology in 1994, it was
only a year later that I really found what interested me in criminology. During
that year, Jean Proulx, a recently appointed new professor at the School of
Criminology, was teaching a course on the criminal personality. The course
covered different theories about the criminal personality but was mainly
focused on the different thinking errors identified by Yochelson and Samenow
(1976) as well as Hare’s Psychopathy Checklist (PCL-­R). We would watch
interviews of incarcerated criminals conducted by Jean and we had to identify
their thinking errors and the different items of the PCL-­R. I was amazed at how
Jean was able to get inside the mind of these offenders, to connect with them,
and to get the information he wanted. I was even more amazed – or scared,
depending on your point of view – when Jean was playing the role of the
offender in class and we had to interview him. It was so real, too real actually.
But that is a different story.
During my last semester as an undergraduate, it became clear that I had not
had enough. I approached Jean and asked him about the possibility of doing my
masters with him. I explained to him why I wanted to do a masters and also the
topics that were of interest to me. Instead of suggesting a topic right away, Jean
showed me a book: Whoever Fights Monsters (1993) by the late Robert Ressler,
a former FBI profiler. In less than a week I was finished with the book and I had
a better idea of what I wanted to do. Of course I wanted to be profiler! But I was
not a police officer so I knew this would not be possible. However, I knew that


xx   Preface
the police would always need people who understood violent offenders, especially the most heinous ones.
The following meeting with Jean shaped my future career. Jean had put
together an ambitious research project in collaboration with Correctional Service
of Canada to study the recidivism of sex offenders. The project was located at
the Regional Reception Center, a maximum security penitentiary in the province
of Quebec where all inmates convicted of a sentence of two years or more would
be sent for evaluation. The inmates would spend on average six to eight weeks at
this institution in order to have their risk level and treatment needs assessed by a
multidisciplinary team. The setting was perfect for the research project as all
convicted sex offenders had to go through the assessment process too. The goal
was to catch them during the assessment process.
The research team included a mix of academics from criminology and psychology, as well as clinicians from the penitentiary and an army of graduate students. Everybody had a role with a specific set of interests and expertise. I was
wondering where I would fit in to all this. Everybody was working on child
molesters or rapists and it seemed to me that all the interesting topics were
already covered. This is when Jean approached me to offer me one of the greatest opportunities. The team had already collected information on 14 sexual
murderers. However, this number was too small and judging by the rate at which
they were admitted, I would have had to wait 25 years in order to get a decent
number. But as a very pragmatic individual, Jean simply told me to go to the different penitentiaries in the province to collect information relating to all the
sexual homicide offenders that were already incarcerated. It seemed like a
good idea.
I was very fortunate to have the chance to learn from probably the best two
clinicians I know, Bruno Pellerin, a criminologist and Michel St-­Yves, a psychologist now working for the Sûreté du Québec, Quebec’s provincial police.
With their guidance, I developed the skills I needed to interview offenders, to
connect with them and establish rapport but more importantly, to get the
information I was looking for. By the time the data collection was completed for
this project, I had convinced 60 sexual murderers to participate in the study.
As most penitentiaries are located outside urban centers – some even in
remote locations – I spent several weeks sleeping in cheap motels (and even in a
trailer) to be able to convince sexual murderers across the province to participate
in the study. It was worth it, as nothing can replace the experience of sitting
across from and discussing the lives and criminal careers of these sexual murderers. For me, it was a perfect opportunity to go beyond the files and ask questions
that no one had asked them before. Although some of them clearly thought I was
crazy to ask such questions, I like to believe that most of them respected me for
it. They could sense that my interest was genuine and that I really wanted to
learn from them and critically assess what I had read in books. One of my former
professors, Pierre Tremblay, was teaching a course at the time where we had to
interview a criminal about one type of crime in particular and we needed to
explain in great detail how to commit such a crime. In other words, the goal was


Preface   xxi
to teach someone who had no experience with crime how to successfully commit
this specific type of crime. Although somewhat unconventional, this type of
thinking greatly influenced how I was conducting my interviews with the offenders. I needed to know everything, as if I was there. The smallest details were
necessary so that I could reconstruct the whole crime sequence in my head.
After completing my thesis on sexual homicide, the data that I had collected
were used for a series of studies, which led to the publication of two books, the
latest being Sexual Murderers: A Comparative Analysis and New Perspectives
in 2007. The book focuses on the differences between sexual murderers and non­homicidal sex offenders. Contrary to popular belief, sexual murderers presented
more similarities than differences when compared to non-­homicidal sex offenders. This was a finding also observed by other colleagues from other countries.
But all the research we published on sexual homicide left me unsatisfied. After
completing my PhD, I was hired at the University of South Florida in Tampa
and started to talk about my research to one of my colleagues who was the chair
of the department at the time, Tom Mieczkowski. Despite being new to this field,
Tom was interested in research methods but more importantly in doing something useful! Working with Tom was easy, stimulating, and it got me thinking
differently about methods. We worked together on projects involving different
methods looking specifically at the risk of lethal outcome in sexual assaults.
Despite the interesting findings, we often came to the same conclusion: more
cases were needed.
I (MM) too watched The Silence of the Lambs (1991) and was addicted to the
television shows Millennium (1996–1999) and Profiler (1996–2000). In fact, I
cannot remember a time when working in law enforcement did not interest me.
My favorite class in high school was law and to this day I remember how excited
I was when the teacher assigned a project where we could write about any criminal case. I wrote a paper on Clifford Olson, one of Canada’s infamous serial
killers. I was absorbed in the details and found myself wanting to understand
what made Olson tick. When it came time to select a post-­secondary path, mine
was obvious. I would pursue a degree in criminology and then become a police
officer, working my way up the ranks and eventually becoming a criminal
profiler.
In 1997 I headed off to begin my degree in criminology at the University of
Ottawa. During university I discovered that not only did I have a passion for law
enforcement and the law but also for higher learning. When I graduated with a
double degree in criminology and sociology in 2000, I held the highest standing
in the department of criminology and in the faculty of social sciences. I decided
to continue my education and obtain an honors degree in criminology. During
my honors degree I conducted a field placement with the RCMP, Behavioural
Sciences Branch. It was a dream come true for me. I was working in the exact
area in which I hoped to one day have a career. It was during this academic year
that professors Michael Petrunik and Kathryn Campbell approached me independently and recommended that I consider graduate school.


xxii   Preface
I figured that I could put my plans of becoming a police officer on hold for a
little longer if I was accepted into the master’s program. After being accepted,
and receiving a full scholarship and an Ontario Graduate Scholarship, the decision was clear. I began my master’s program at the University of Ottawa in
2001. I decided to pursue an applied masters which would allow me to conduct a
work placement during the course of my academic studies. I obtained a placement with the Ottawa Police Service. Over the next year, I was able to combine
my two passions, academics and law enforcement in a profound way. I was able
to apply the theoretical knowledge I had developed, but more importantly I was
able to experience the reality of policing. I enjoyed every minute of my placement with the Ottawa Police Service and was subsequently hired on contract to
complete some work for the service.
Anxious to pursue my career, I decided to accelerate my studies and complete
my major paper requirement in time to finish my two-­year master’s program in
one year. Just as I was finishing my graduate studies, I received a call from the
RCMP, Behavioural Sciences Branch asking if I was interested in doing contract
work. It seemed like fate. Similarly afflicted with poor vision as my co-­author, I
knew that a career in policing would mean laser eye surgery. So I figured a contract working in the field of my dreams was a perfect fit. Three months became
six, and six months a year. I found myself working in law enforcement, in the
area that is my true passion. Perhaps I was not a police officer, but I was working
in concert with criminal profilers and using my education to conduct applied
research.
I have spent the last 14 years working in the area of behavioral sciences. The
RCMP has provided me with incredible opportunities. I have received very
specialized training and have traveled throughout Canada and abroad. I have
reviewed and/or provided operational investigative assistance in over 1,000
cases of violent crime. I have specialized in violent crime linkage, false allegations, risk and threat assessment, sex crime, and detection of deception. I have
worked with and learned from incredible colleagues including Canada’s first
profilers Ron MacKay and Glenn Woods, as well as Supt. Pierre Nezan, S/Sgt.
Carl Sesely, and Sgt. Jamie De Wit. I have had the privilege of working with and
teaching so many dedicated law enforcement officers. While many people do not
understand the appeal of my career, being exposed to the worst that humans are
capable of, my work is one of my greatest passions.
In 2007 I (EB) moved back to Canada and joined the School of Criminology at
Simon Fraser University. Melissa Martineau was working at the time for the
RCMP Behavioural Sciences Branch, Research section and she was interested in
conducting a research project involving interviews with offenders. She had heard
of my work on sex offenders and sexual murderers and we started discussing the
possibilities. After meeting a few times to write our proposal, I decided to
inquire about her interest in a research project on sexual homicide. We both
suspected that getting approval to interview offenders would take a long time
so I suggested that while we wait, we could be working on a project on sexual


Preface   xxiii
homicide. So we did. Melissa did most of the hard work as she pulled all the
data together, making sure we were only selecting sexual homicide cases. From
more than 600 cases, we ended up with a total of 350 real cases of sexual homicide. Finally, we would have a sample large enough to explore some new issues
related to this type of sex offender.
Melissa was working closely with investigators and profilers. Her extensive
knowledge of police practices related to investigations guided our research. As
an academic, I was sometimes playing with the data intuitively looking for relationships between certain variables. I remember a few times when, all excited, I
sent some output of statistical analyses to Melissa thinking that I had found
something interesting. But Melissa, always in a gentle manner, asked me how
this would be useful. It may look good in a journal but if the research we are
conducting is not useful to anyone, what is the point? And that was it. Although
I was a bit disappointed that my idea did not pass the test, after a while I finally
understood the true purpose of this research project. Most police investigators
that we have talked to have either never worked a case of sexual homicide or
have only had the opportunity to work on one or two such cases during their
career. This is good news in itself as it suggests that the number of sexual homicides is relatively low. However, it also highlights an important issue: most
police investigators do not have a lot of investigative experience with sexual
murders. As investigators cannot rely solely on their investigative experience, it
has become clear that they need a tool that will provide them with the knowledge that usually comes from experiencing several sexual homicide
investigations.
We started by publishing a descriptive study of our sample of sexual homicide cases in 2012 in the Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology. It was very simple but at the same time, it was filling a gap left by
previous studies limited by their small sample size. We published several other
articles following the descriptive study and every time we received positive
feedback about our research. People working in the field were telling us that they
were using our studies to train their investigators. Moreover, they were asking us
to let them know when we would have more. Well, here is more!
We truly hope that you will enjoy the book. But more importantly, we hope
that you find it useful. This would be our greatest reward.
Eric Beauregard and Melissa Martineau


Acknowledgements

Although the writing of a book is often a solitary experience, this book would
not have been possible without the help of some important people. First, we
would like to thank Tom Sutton, commissioning editor, as well as Hannah Catterall, editorial assistant at Routledge, for believing in this project and making
sure the process was as smooth as possible. We would like to acknowledge the
University Publication Fund at Simon Fraser University who awarded us with a
small grant to facilitate the process of reviewing and revising the manuscript.
Thank you also to Ashley Hewitt, PhD candidate at Simon Fraser University
who agreed to take on the difficult task of reviewing our early drafts as well as
the proofs of the whole book. Your attention to detail, insightful comments, and
professionalism were greatly appreciated. We also would like to thank Dr. Jean
Proulx at the University of Montreal and the RCMP1 for sharing what we believe
to be some of the richest data on sexual homicide. Having the chance to use and
analyze both types of data – i.e., prison and police – made this book unique. We
also extend our thanks to our colleagues who were always available to discuss
our findings. We are well aware that not everyone is comfortable talking about
mutilation, dismemberment, and acts of physical humiliation while having
lunch! More specifically, we would like to thank Sergeant Nathan Wells of the
Integrated Homicide Investigation Team of the RCMP who kindly reviewed and
commented on a few chapters of the book and suggested some practical implications of our findings. Thank you as well to Emily Fox and Staff Sergeant Carl
Sesely for supporting this project and offering useful advice and suggestions
along the way. Finally, we would like to sincerely thank all the people, mostly
law enforcement personnel, who came to see us after conferences or who sent us
emails regarding our work on sexual homicide. Your interest and encouragement
played a key role in our decision to take on such a big project.

Note
1 The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and are not necessarily those
of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.


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